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Huntington’s Clash Revisited

Log in Sign Up Create a Foreign Policy account to access 1 article per month and free newsletters developed by policy experts Loading. Want unlimited access? Subscribe today. Subscribe Now. Upgrade Now. And there is likely something to his assertion that states which share a cultural background may be more likely to cooperate: similar arguments have been made by political scientists to explain alliances.

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As Jeane Kirkpatrick pointed out, most of the bloodiest wars of the twentieth century took place within civilizations rather than between them. The period since seems to bear him out more effectively: opposition to the West in the Middle East is certainly growing. And while Huntington largely dismissed realist views of world politics, the events he cited — most notably resistance to Western global dominance — could as easily be explained as a process of realist balancing by rising powers like China against the global hegemon.

Huntington was correct that both Russia and China have attempted to build larger regional alliances, whether ideological, economic, or military. Yet both have been unsuccessful: the states of Central Asia have repeatedly pursued multi-vector foreign policies, seeking ties with Europe, the United States, and China, not a recreation of Soviet-era economic and political ties. Meanwhile, under pressure from China, Asian states have sought closer defense ties with the United States, most notably Vietnam.

Summary of "The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order" | Beyond Intractability

Bush, strongly influenced by neoconservative ideals, and that of Barack Obama, which tended towards liberal internationalism, both rejected this idea in the strongest terms. Bannon has even praised Alexander Dugin, proponent of Eurasianism, a Russian strand of traditionalist, nationalist, far-right political thought. Yet as the author himself pointed out, the article title included a rarely noticed question mark. While some of these have not aged well — his argument in favor of NATO expansion now seems particularly poorly thought out — his central arguments remain pertinent.

The ideological origins of great power politics: June 23, The clash of civilizations and the remaking of world order. The field of fight: how we can win the global war against radical Islam and its allies. New York: St. And obviously Hitler and the Nazis. In order to answer this question the dissertation is divided into four parts. Part One consists of two chapters. The first chapter gives a review of Huntington and his Clash of Civilizations thesis.

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What does Huntington argue, and why? The second chapter then goes on giving a brief review of the responses to Huntington's argument.

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What have the responses been like - do they agree or disagree, and for what reasons? Related to this, the second chapter also presents some of Huntington's challengers by giving a brief review of the most prominent alternative visions of 'The New World Order'. Although the dissertation focuses upon the proposition of civilizational clashes, the broader debate is important for at least two reasons. First, it helps putting Huntington's vision into context, e.

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Are there any similarities? And secondly, if a vision of 'a clash of civilizations' is subsequently falsified - do any of the other propositions offer a better prediction of 'The New World Order'? This issue is reflected upon in the last part of the dissertation.

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  6. Part Two discusses the existence of civilizations - which is the very assumption that the vision of 'a clash of civilizations' rests upon. Here, I raise the question: Does it make sense to talk about civilizations and civilizational identities at all?

    Clash of Civilizations Bound to Happen?

    In order to answer this question several sub-issues are discussed. First, Chapter 3 gives a brief review of the discussion of what a civilization is and how and why they come about. Civilization-theorists like Toynbee , Sorokin , Spengler , Melko and Wallerstein are central here. The following chapter discusses whether nation states are fading as sources of identity, while Chapter 5 explores the issue of kinship and religious transnationality.